Acts 25:21-27 sits inside this longer paragraph.
13Now when some days had passed, King Agrippa and Bernice arrived at Caesarea, and greeted Festus. 14As he stayed there many days, Festus laid Paul’s case before the king, saying, “There is a certain man left a prisoner by Felix; 15about whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, asking for a sentence against him. 16I answered them that it is not the custom of the Romans to give up any man to destruction before the accused has met the accusers face to face and has had opportunity to make his defense concerning the matter laid against him. 17When therefore they had come together here, I didn’t delay, but on the next day sat on the judgment seat and commanded the man to be brought. 18When the accusers stood up, they brought no charges against him of such things as I supposed; 19but had certain questions against him about their own religion, and about one Jesus, who was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. 20Being perplexed how to inquire concerning these things, I asked whether he was willing to go to Jerusalem and there be judged concerning these matters. 21But when Paul had appealed to be kept for the decision of the emperor, I commanded him to be kept until I could send him to Caesar.”
22Agrippa said to Festus, “I also would like to hear the man myself.” “Tomorrow,” he said, “you shall hear him.”
23So on the next day, when Agrippa and Bernice had come with great pomp, and they had entered into the place of hearing with the commanding officers and the principal men of the city, at the command of Festus, Paul was brought in. 24Festus said, “King Agrippa, and all men who are here present with us, you see this man about whom all the multitude of the Jews petitioned me, both at Jerusalem and here, crying that he ought not to live any longer. 25But when I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death, and as he himself appealed to the emperor I determined to send him, 26of whom I have no certain thing to write to my lord. Therefore I have brought him out before you, and especially before you, King Agrippa, that, after examination, I may have something to write. 27For it seems to me unreasonable, in sending a prisoner, not to also specify the charges against him.”
John Calvin 1540 · Public Domain On vv22, 23, 26 22. I would also. By this we may gather…
22. I would also. By this we may gather that Agrippa did so desire to hear Paul, that he was ashamed to make his desire known, lest Festus should think that he came for some other end than to salute him. And it may be that not only curiosity did move him to be desirous to hear Paul, but because he did hope to profit by hearing him. Notwithstanding, we may easily gather by this how cold his desire was, because he suffered many days to pass before he showeth any sign of his desire, because he was more in love with earthly commodities, which he counted better. Neither durst he make any words; neither did he pass for uttering any speech until such time as Festus did of his own accord will him so to do. So that the holy minister of Christ is brought forth as on a stage, that a profane man may cheer up his guest, save only that Festus will be holpen with the advice of Agrippa and his company, that he may let Caesar understand how diligent he is. But the matter was turned to another end by the secret providence of God. Neither need we doubt but that such report went abroad as made much for the confirmation of the godly; and it may be also that some of the hearers were touched, and did conceive seed of faith, which did afterward bring forth fruit in due time. But admit none of them did embrace Christ sincerely and from his heart, this was no small profit, that the unskillful were appeased after that the malice of the enemies was discovered, that they might not be inflamed with such hatred against the gospel. Impiety was made ashamed, and the faithful did gather new strength, so that they were confirmed more and more in the gospel.
John Calvin's Commentaries (1540-1563) — public domain. Text from the Calvin Translation Society English edition (1840s-50s) via the Christian Classics Ethereal Library (ccel.org). Calvin's coverage is partial (roughly two-thirds of the Bible); uncommented books and verses are honest gaps, never fabricated. The 19th-century editor's footnotes and remarks are omitted so the notes are faithfully Calvin's own voice.
Geneva Bible translators 1599 · Public Domain On vv22, 23, 26 That is fulfilled in Paul, which the Lord before…
That is fulfilled in Paul, which the Lord before had told to Ananias of him, Acts 9:15.
Geneva Bible (1599) marginal notes — public domain.
John Trapp 1656 · Public Domain On vv21–27 21 But when Paul had appealed to be reserved…
21 But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might send him to Caesar.
Ver. 21. Send him to Caesar] That is, to Nero. But for memory of their two first emperors, Caesar and Augustus, all their successors bore these two names. Many other swelling titles they had; but all or most of them, till Constantine, died unnatural deaths, and got nothing by their adoption or designation, nisi ut citius interficerentur, but to be sent out of the world the sooner.
John Trapp, A Commentary or Exposition upon All the Books of the Old and New Testament (1647–1656) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.
Matthew Poole 1685 · Public Domain On vv21–27 Augustus: the emperor who now reigned, and to whom…
Augustus: the emperor who now reigned, and to whom Paul appealed, was Nero, who was called Augustus; this title being at first appropriated to Octavius, who succeeded Julius Caesar; but out of honour unto him, or because of its signification, it became an appellative, and was given unto all the emperors successively: nay, the emperor of Germany to this day is called Semper Augustus.
Caesar; as from Octavius the emperors of Rome had the name of Augustus, so from the first emperor, Julius, they have the name of Caesars. This word Caesar, which was the proper name of the first emperor, is, in acknowledgment of him, made an appellative to all his successors.
Matthew Poole's English Annotations on the Holy Bible (1683–1685) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.
William Burkitt 1703 · Public Domain On v22 Observe here, 1. King Agrippa’s curosity to see and…
Observe here, 1. King Agrippa’s curosity to see and hear St. Paul: he was born and bred up amongst the Jews, and probably understood something of the Christian religion; and possibly had heard much of Paul, and therefore desired to see him, as Herod desired to see Christ, and to hear John the Baptist, only to gratify his curiosity, not to be advantaged by his ministry.
Observe, 2. How contemptuously the Holy Ghost speaks of all the pomp, retinue, and state, which Festus, Agrippa, and Bernice, appeared in, at the time and place of hearing: he calls it fancy, so the original word signifies, intimating, that all the pomp, gaiety, and glory of the world, is nothing but fancy, a dream, and a shadow, having no real existence, but a being in imagination only.
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Observe, 3. That truth and innocency shine forth the more splendidly by the greater opposition that is raised against them. The more malicious the Jews were in accusing Paul, the more did his innocency appear; and the more was he acquitted and discharged by his judges.
Thus we see the providence of God wrought all matters for St. Paul’s justification, and for the Jews’ reprehension; Festus had nothing to write to Cesar, no crime to inform him of against the apostle.
Thence learn, That although God sometimes permits his servants to be loaden with slanders and reproaches, yet he will find a time to clear their innocency, and cause their very judges, if not their accusers, to proclaim them guiltless. I find, saith Festus, that he hath committed nothing worthy of death.
It is no small mercy to have our innocency vindicated; for God to clear up our righteousness as the light, and our just dealing as the noonday; and to free our reputation from those blemishes which the uncharitable suspicions, or rash censures of men, have cast upon us.
There is no spot so unbeautiful as that upon our credit, saving only a spot upon our consciences. God made the apostle’s enemies here do him right, and his name was clothed with honour in the estimation of his very adversaries.
William Burkitt's Expository Notes on the New Testament (1700–1703) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.
John Gill 1763 · Public Domain On vv21–27 But when Paul had appealed to be reserved,.... In…
But when Paul had appealed to be reserved,.... In custody at Caesarea:
unto the hearing of Augustus; to have his cause heard, tried, and judged of, by the Roman Emperor Nero, here called Augustus; for as it was usual for a Roman emperor to be called Caesar, from Julius Caesar, the first of them, so to be called Augustus, from Octavius Augustus, the second emperor: his original surname was Thurinus, but this being objected to him as a reproachful one, he afterwards took the name of Caesar, and then of Augustus; the one by the will of his great uncle, the other by the advice of Munatius Plancus; when some thought he ought to be called Romulus, as if he was the founder of the city, it prevailed that he should rather be called Augustus; not only this surname being new, but more grand, seeing religious places, and in which anything was consecrated by soothsaying, were called "Augusta, ab auctu, vel ab avium gestu, gustuve", according to Ennius (t): in the Greek text the name is Sebastos, which signifies venerable and worshipful.
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I commanded him to be kept; in Caesarea, by a centurion, and not sent to Jerusalem:
till I might send him to Caesar: till he could have an opportunity of sending him to Rome, to take his trial before the emperor.
(t) Suetonius in Vit. Octav. c. 7.
John Gill's Exposition of the Whole Bible (1746–1763) — public domain (CC PDM 1.0). Text via the HelloAO Bible API.
John Wesley 1765 · Public Domain On v23 With the tribunes and principal men of the city…
With the tribunes and principal men of the city - The chief officers, both military and civil.
John Wesley, Explanatory Notes Upon the Whole Bible (1754–1765) — public domain. Text via the GEBible commentary corpus.
Adam Clarke 1810 · Public Domain On vv21, 22, 23, 26, 27 Verse 21. Unto the hearing of Augustus] Εις την…
Verse 21. Unto the hearing of Augustus] Εις την του ΣεβαϚου διαγνωσιν; To the discrimination of the emperor. For, although σεβαστος is usually translated Augustus, and the Roman emperors generally assumed this epithet, which signifies no more than the venerable, the august, get here it seems to be used merely to express the emperor, without any reference to any of his attributes or titles.
Adam Clarke's Commentary on the Bible (1810–1826) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.
Joseph Benson 1811 · Public Domain On vv22–23 Act 25:22. Then Agrippa said, I would also hear…
Act 25:22. Then Agrippa said, I would also hear the man myself — That I may learn from his own mouth what it is that he maintains, and on what principles he proceeds. This demand the king made because he was well acquainted with the religious tenets, disputes, and expectations of the Jews, and because many wonderful things had been reported to him concerning Jesus and his disciples, and he had heard of Paul, and knew of what vast concern this question was which Festus made so light of; namely, whether Jesus was alive or not. Many great men think it below them to take cognizance of the matters of religion, except they can hear of them while they sit in judgment with authority, and act in character, like themselves. Agrippa would not, on any account, have gone to a synagogue, or religious meeting, to hear Paul preach, no more than Herod to hear Jesus; and yet they were both glad to have these persons brought before them, but only to satisfy their curiosity. To-morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him — There was a gracious providence in this for the encouragement of Paul, who seemed buried alive in his imprisonment, and deprived of almost all opportunities of doing good. We know not that any of his epistles were written during his confinement at Cesarea. What opportunity he had of doing good to his friends that visited him, or perhaps to a little congregation of them, that might assemble to hear him every Lord’s day, was but a low and narrow sphere of usefulness: so that he seemed to be thrown by as a broken vessel, in which there was no pleasure; but he has now an opportunity of preaching Christ to a great congregation, and that of great ones. Felix heard him in private concerning the faith in Christ; but Agrippa and Festus agree that he shall be heard in public. And we have reason to think that his sermon, contained in the next chapter, though it might not be so instrumental as some other of his sermons for the conversion of individual persons, yet redounded as much to the honour of Christ and Christianity as any sermon he ever preached.
Joseph Benson's Commentary on the Old and New Testaments (1811–1818) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.
Albert Barnes 1834 · Public Domain On vv21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27 But when he had appealed - Act 25:11.
But when he had appealed - Act 25:11.
To be reserved - To be kept; not to be tried at Jerusalem, but to be sent to Rome for trial.
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Unto the hearing - Margin, “the judgment.” That Augustus might hear and decide the cause.
Of Augustus - The reigning emperor at this time was Nero. The name Augustus Σεβαστός Sebastos properly denotes “what is venerable, or worthy of honor and reverence.” It was first applied to Caesar Octavianus, who was the Roman emperor in the time when our Saviour was born, and who is usually nailed Augustus Caesar. But the title continued to be used of his successors in office, as denoting the veneration or reverence which was due to the rank of emperor.
Albert Barnes' Notes on the Bible (1834–1885) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.
Haydock's Catholic Bible Commentary 1859 · Public Domain On vv21, 22, 26 Augustus Nero, who was then the Roman emperor.
Augustus Nero, who was then the Roman emperor.
George Leo Haydock (1774–1849), Haydock's Catholic Family Bible and Commentary, 1859 edition — public domain. Excludes Psalms (Douay-Rheims chapter numbering differs from Protestant) and Deuterocanonical books (Catholic canon only).
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset & David Brown 1871 · Public Domain On vv21, 22, 23, 26 the hearing of Augustus--the imperial title first conferred by…
the hearing of Augustus--the imperial title first conferred by the Roman Senate on Octavius.
Jamieson, Fausset & Brown — Commentary Critical and Explanatory on the Whole Bible (1871) — public domain (CC PDM 1.0). Text via the HelloAO Bible API.
Daniel D. Whedon 1874 · Public Domain On vv21, 22, 23, 24, 26 21. Augustus—When the nephew of Julius Cesar, Octavianus became…
21. Augustus—When the nephew of Julius Cesar, Octavianus became emperor the Senate decreed to him the title of Augustus, the august or worshipful; much like the more modern phrase his majesty.
Daniel D. Whedon (gen. ed.), Commentary on the Old and New Testaments (1874–1909) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.
The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges 1878 · Public Domain On vv21–26 21. to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus]…
21. to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus] Rev. Ver. “to be kept for the decision of the Emperor.” The verb is that which occurs Act_24:23 where the centurion was commanded to “keep” Paul. He desired to be under the care of the Roman authorities until his case could be properly heard. “Augustus,” the title given first to Octavianus, was afterwards conferred on his successors, and so came to mean “His Imperial Majesty,” whoever might be on the throne. The present “Augustus” was Nero. In the noun rendered “hearing” we have a word which implies “thorough inquiry.”
The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges (gen. ed. J. J. S. Perowne; Cambridge University Press, 1878–1918) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.
Ellicott's Commentary for English Readers 1878 · Public Domain On vv21–26 (21) Unto the hearing of Augustus.—The title is the…
(21) Unto the hearing of Augustus.—The title is the Greek equivalent, as seen in the name Sebaste (= Augusta) given to Samaria, for the epithet which, like our “his majesty,” had become a kind of official title of the Roman emperor. It had first been given by the Senate to Octavianus (Sueton. Aug. c. 7), and was adopted by his successors. As connected with “augur, it had originally, like Sebastos, a religious connotation. The month of August, dedicated to the first emperor as July had been dedicated to Julius, and the names of Augsburg and Sebastopol, arc interesting as perpetuating its memory. The word for “hearing” (the same as our medical term diagnosis) corresponds rather to our thorough investigation.
A Bible Commentary for English Readers, edited by Charles John Ellicott (1878–1897) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.
The Pulpit Commentary 1880 · Public Domain On vv21–27 To be kept for the decision of the emperor…
To be kept for the decision of the emperor for to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, A.V.; should for might, A.V. The decision; diagnwsiv, here only in the New Testament; but it is used in this sense in RAPC Wis 3:18 ("the day of trial," or "hearing," A.V.), and by Josephus. ("Ant. Jud:," 15:3:8) For the verb diaginwskw, see Act_23:15 Act_24:22, notes. The emperor (tou Sebastou); rather, as the A.V., Augustus. Augustus was the title conferred by the senate upon Octavius Caesar, B.C. 27, whom we commonly designate Augustus Caesar. It became afterwards the distinctive title of the reigning emperor, and, after the end of the second century, sometimes of two or even three co-emperors, and was now berne by Nero. Its Greek equivalent was Sebastov. Augustus may be derived, as Ovid says, from augeo, as faustus from farce, and be kindred with augur, and mean one blest and aggrandized of God, and so, full of majesty. It is spoken of all holy things, temples and the like, "Et queocunque sua Jupiter auget ope" (Ovid, "Fast.," 1:609); and, as Ovid says in the same passage, is a title proper to the gods. For, comparing it with the names of the greatest Roman families, Maximus, Magnus, Torquatus, Corvus, etc., their names, he says, bespeak human honors, but of Augustus, he says, "Hie socium summo cum Jove nomen habet." And so the Greek Sebastov bespeaks a veneration closely akin to adoration. Caesar, originally the name of a family of the Juliagens, became the name of Octavius Caesar Augustus, as the adopted son of Julius Caesar; then of Tiberius, as the adopted son of Augustus; and then of the successors of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, who had by descent or adoption some relationship to C. Julius Caesar the great dictator. After Nero, succeeding emperors usually prefixed the name of Caesar to their other names, and placed that of Augustus after them. Aelius Verus, adopted by Hadrian, was the first person who bore the name of Caesar without being emperor. From this time it became usual for the heir to the throne to bear the name; and later, for many of the emperor"s kindred to be so called. It was, in fact, a title of honor conferred by the emperor.
The Pulpit Commentary (1880–1919), ed. H.D.M. Spence-Jones & Joseph S. Exell — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.
The Biblical Illustrator 1887 · Public Domain On v22 Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear…
Act_25:22-27
Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man for myself.
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The voluptuarys desire for a new sensation
The scene is highly characteristic. The round of festivities in honour of the illustrious visitors began to flag-some novel show would be desirable. A Jewish heretic would interest Agrippa, who was himself a Jew. Berenice was clever and cultivated, and all women loved eloquence and genius, and Paul had both; and Berenice also loved novel and strange excitements. The upper classes then, as now, sated with luxury End refinement, found a certain fascination about prison life--out-of-the-way scent connected with police courts--human crime and misery. They liked a criminal cause celebre then just as they do now. An afternoon with Paul was the very thing to suit Agrippa and Berenice. (H. R. Haweis, M. A.)
Motives for hearing
Agrippas desire may be understood variously--
I. As the wish of a supercilious curiosity, which seeks nothing more than a passing entertainment.
II. As the expression of a worldly desire for knowledge, which is only concerned about interesting information.
III. As the earnest desire of the seeker for salvation, who feels the need of spiritual instruction. Application to Church going, hearing sermons, reading books, etc. (K. Gerok.)
And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp, and was entered into the place of hearing.--
The vanity of regal pomp
It is at this moment more than ever we are justified in saying with the wise man, Vanity of vanities; all is vanity. Where is now the splendour of the consulate? Where their brilliancy of lamps and torches; the feast of joyous assemblies? Where are the crowns and magnificent ornaments? Where the flattering reports of the city--the acclamations of the circus--the adulations of thousands of spectators? All have passed away! The wind by one blast has swept the leaves, and now they show us a dead tree torn up by the roots, so violent has been the tempest. It lies a broken ruin. Where are the pretended friends--the swarm of parasites--the tables charged with luxury--the wine circulating during entire days; where the various refinements of feasting--the supple language of slaves? What has become of them all? A dream of the night which vanishes with the day! A flower of spring, which fades in the summer--a shade which passes! a vapour which scatters! a bubble of water which bursts! a spiders web which is torn down--Vanity of all vanities; all is vanity. Inscribe these words on your walls, on your vestments, your palaces, your streets, your windows, your doors; inscribe them on your conscience, in order that they may represent it incessantly to your thoughts. Repeat them every morning, repeat them in the evening, and in the assemblies of fashion, let each repeat to his neighbour, Vanity of vanities; all is vanity. (Chrysostom.)
The worth of worldly glory
As the naturalist observes of the glory of the rainbow, that it is wrought in the eye, and not in the cloud, and that there is no such pleasing variety of colours there as we see; so the pomp, and riches, and glory of this world are of themselves nothing, but are the work of our opinion and the creations of our fancy, and have no worth or price but what our lusts and desires set upon them. (A. Farindon.)
The audience chamber of Caesarea
I. A drawing room of worldly glory, by the splendour of the assembled nobility (Act_25:23).
II. A lecture room of holy doctrine, by the testimony of the apostle (Act_26:1-23).
III. A judgment hall of Divine majesty, by the impression of the apostolic discourse which discloses the secret of the heart (Act_26:24-32). (K. Gerok.)
How the Christian is regarded by the world
There are subjects about which the world has but one opinion, and towards which it maintains a tolerably consistent attitude, but Christianity is not one of them. Ask men of the world their opinions respecting profit, pleasure, health, death, etc., and you will get but one pronouncement; ask them about the religion of Christ and the answers will be almost as various as the men who give them. But practically they may be reduced to four when severely analysed, although intermingled, and are often found in combination. The Christian and his religion are regarded with--
I. Hatred. The Jews (Act_25:24) so regarded Paul. To everything that corrupt Judaism held dear the apostle was an uncompromising antagonist. And so they cried that he ought to live no longer--a cry often heard since, and heard now. The money grubber, the pleasure seeker, the vicious hate the Christian and his faith. The attitude of Christianity towards the mere accumulation of wealth, towards sensuality, oppression, etc., necessarily arouses the bitterest hostility. There can be no truce between them. Victory in the one case means extermination in the other.
II. Perplexity. Festus (Act_25:26-27) was nearly worried out of his life with the problem. Paul was a standing menace to the peace of his province, and yet he was guilty of nothing, as far as he could see, which could bring him under the ban of Roman law. Hence his desire to have the case heard by such experts in religious matters as the Sanhedrin and Agrippa. And Paul having appealed to Caesar on grounds of which he was deplorably ignorant, Festus was painfully embarrassed as to what to say about him to his imperial master. Festus is not a solitary instance of perplexity about Christians and their faith, Many now can make nothing of either; but often enough are ready to consult authorities like the Sanhedrin or Agrippa, who can give no satisfactory solution of the problem. Why did not Festus give himself the same trouble as Felix did, and commune with Paul? And so the obvious question in relation to the perplexed today is, Why do they not consult Christians or their Scriptures? The unreasonableness of the position is obvious. What would be thought of a man, troubled with scientific, political, or historical questions, who never consulted the proper authorities!
III. Curiosity. Agrippa probably laughed in his sleeve at both the animosity of the Jews and the perplexity of Festus. Yet, desiring to hear Paul for himself, he displayed a somewhat more reasonable temper. This is all that Christianity asks, and the Christian thinks himself happy when he has the chance of answering for himself before an expert (chap. 26:2, 3), whatever may be the result. The result, however, is often only that reached by experts in science, etc. The Christian has to be accounted for, and when an hypothesis is framed which satisfies curiosity he is labelled, like a geological specimen, and forgotten. So he is studied by the historian, the politician, the comparative religionist, etc. That he or his principles have any interest beyond this is not admitted for a moment.
IV. Indifference and contempt. What Berenice thought is not stated, for obvious reasons. She neither hated, nor was perplexed, nor curious about Paul. The trial was a new sensation, and that over perhaps both the occasion and the apostle were dismissed from her thoughts. What cared she for theological questions or for the fate of an enthusiast. And so there are many for whom a religious ceremony may have a passing interest, but who neither know nor care about the questions involved. The sordid man of business, or a voluptuous pleasure seeker, may attend a religious pageant in aid of a religious charity, but what care they for the object promoted.
Conclusion:
1. Contact with Christianity becomes a test of character.
2. Contact with it even for once may decide a destiny. The Jews, Festus, Agrippa, Berenice--what occurred to them afterwards? What are they now? (J. W. Burn.)
.
The Biblical Illustrator, edited by Joseph S. Exell (c. 1880s–1900s) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.
The Preacher's Complete Homiletical Commentary 1892 · Public Domain On v23 Act_25:23. The chief captains were the chiliarchs or commanders…
CRITICAL REMARKS
Act_25:23. The chief captains were the chiliarchs or commanders of the cohorts stationed at Cæsarea—which cohorts were five in number (Jos., Wars, III. iv. 2).
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Act_25:24. All the multitude of the Jews, the procurator says, had dealt with or made suit to him because the Jewish rulers in their action had only interpreted the popular outcry against the apostle (Hackett), or because a crowd may have gone with them to the procurator’s residence in order to enforce their application by clamouring for the same object (Meyer).
Act_25:25 supplies a valuable attestation of the governor’s conviction that Paul had committed nothing worthy of death—i.e., was practically innocent of the charges preferred against him.
Act_25:26. No certain thing to write.—In cases of appeal “it was necessary to transmit to the emperor a written account of the offence charged as having been committed, and also of all the judicial proceedings that may have taken place in relation to it. Documents of this description were called apostoli or literæ dimissoriæ” (Hackett). My Lord, κύριος, Dominus, was a title which neither Augustus nor Tiberius would accept because it implied the relation of master and slave, and because properly it belonged only to the gods (Tacit., Annals, ii. 87; Suetonius, Aug., 53), Caligula and all the emperors who followed him had no such scruples. The use of it now by Luke, when a few years earlier it would have been inappropriate, is another mark of historical veracity.
HOMILETICAL ANALYSIS.—Act_25:23-27
A Third Hearing before Agrippa and Bernice; or, Festus’s Excuse for calling forth his Prisoner
I. The brilliant assemblage.—The persons composing it were the most illustrious of the day, the élite and fashion of Cæsarea.
1. A Roman governor. Porcius Festus, Felix’s successor, who had recently entered on his procuratorship over Palestine (A.D. 60–62), and who in some degree succeeded in restoring order to the country which had been seriously disquieted during his predecessor’s reign (Jos., Ant., XX. viii. 9, 10). Of these Roman governors generally, not inaptly styled “a splendid series of provincial administrators,” it has been said “we can find among them examples occasionally of cruelty, occasionally of rapacity, but never of incompetence” (Waddington, Fastes des Provinces Asiatiques, p. 18; quoted by Ramsay in The Church in the Roman Empire, p. 174).
2. A royal pair. Agrippa II., the last of the Herods (born in 27 A.D., made King of Chalcis A.D. 50, died A.D. 100, in the third year of Trajan), accompanied by his beautiful sister Bernice, who had once been, through marriage with Polemon, Queen of Cilicia, Paul’s native province (see preceding “Homily and Critical Remarks” on Act_25:13). Kingly dignity and queenly loveliness are gifts bestowed on few. When attended by moral elevation and grace, they become both worthy of admiration and powerful in influence. When dissociated from these, and much more when allied with depravity, as was the case in Agrippa and Bernice, they attract towards themselves the scorn and contempt of all good men and women.
3. A company of officers. Five in number, these were the military tribunes, or commanders of the imperial forces stationed at the garrison, who waited on and served the procurator, and whose presence on this occasion was, no doubt, intended to put honour on Festus’s distinguished guests, if not to overawe the lonely prisoner who was about to be summoned forth before such august notabilities. If the former, it was all the honour the sinful pair were worth receiving, and perhaps all they could have appreciated; if the latter, it signally failed in accomplishing the end for which it was designed.
4. A group of magistrates. The principal men of the city, the civic authorities of Cæsarea, were probably accustomed to receive invitations from the governor when great occasions were going forward in the palace.
II. The splendid auditorium.—The palace of Herod (see on Act_23:35).
1. A scene of magnificent displays. It was within this gorgeous chamber that the kings and governors of past days had been wont to hold their celebrations, when, as on the present occasion they exhibited all the pomp and paraphernalia that were supposed to lend lustre to their royal and imperial majesties. The account of what took place on this memorable day reads like a description given by one who had been an eyewitness of the scene: “The splendour of the procession and the glittering appearance of the court, crowded with those royal and princely personages and their retinue, Roman and Jewish guards, the Sanhedrim officials, the stately garb of the high priest and his fellows, the head of the hierarchy of Israel” (it is doubtful, however, if these were present), “must have been very striking; all honour on this occasion was evidently shown to King Agrippa II., the last Jew who legally bore the royal title” (Spence).
2. A hall of bloody memories (see on Act_23:35). It would hardly be possible for Agrippa to forget the tragic associations which adhered to the place in which they were then assembled. The blare of trumpets might dull, but would not be able to altogether shut out the cries of murdered men and women that in imagination he heard echoing through the hall. The magnificence of the scene before him would not prevent him from seeing on its marble pavement stains of blood, which to other eyes may have been invisible
3. A place of gracious opportunities. Such an opportunity had been given to Felix and Drusilla when Paul reasoned before them of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come (Act_24:24); and such another was about to be afforded to the gay company then assembled within its walls.
III. The noteworthy prisoner.—Paul, the apostle of the Gentiles, now the prisoner of Jesus Christ (Eph_3:1). Remarkable for three things:
1. The evil reputation he enjoyed at the hands of his countrymen. “All the multitude of the Jews,” both at Jerusalem and at Cæsarea, cried out that he was no longer worthy to live. Could they have obtained their desire he should instantly have been torn to pieces, or stoned to death. And yet he was the noblest man that Palestine had produced—whether for excellence of talent, nobility of soul, or beneficence of life! Verily the world does not always know its great or good men. Paul at this moment might have taken to himself for consolation the eighth beatitude (Mat_5:11).
2. The baseless character of the charges preferred against him. Three times over he had been put upon his trial—before the council (Act_23:9; Act_23:29), before Felix (Act_24:22), and before Festus (Act_25:18)—and each time the verdict had been practically given in his favour. He had committed nothing worthy of death, or of imprisonment. And yet he was remanded to confinement! “God moves in a mysterious way, His wonders to perform.” Paul had still to preach the gospel to Agrippa, and to his countrymen at Rome; and for both reasons he was yet, in God’s providence, detained as a prisoner.
3. The noble courage he had all through displayed. Never quaking through fear of man, never shrinking from the severest ordeals, never apologising for the message he delivered, never pleading with his persecutors for mercy, but always only for justice, never hesitating to proclaim the glorious truths of Christ crucified and risen, of which he had been appointed a witness and herald; but always calm, heroic, self-forgetful, earnest, tender, and confident. Probably a more sublime testimony to the efficacy of Divine grace in supporting a faithful minister of the gospel amid weakness, weariness, pain, shame, hardship, and oppression has never been furnished to the Church or the world!
IV. The trumpery excuse.—After a pompous harangue the governor pretends to give an explanation to his guests of the reason why he had commanded the apostle to be fetched from his confinement. The excuse was—
1. Ostensibly good. Having determined to forward Paul to Rome, it was unreasonable to send on a prisoner for judgment without specifying the charges that had been brought against him. No doubt; and it was illegal as well, since Roman law demanded that such a document should accompany every case that was transmitted to the emperor. Then he had nothing certain to write about the case and hoped that Agrippa, being a Jew, might assist him to the better understanding of its intricacies. This, too, was a proper course to follow, if it really was so that he felt at a loss what to report to the Emperor.
2. Barely true. Festus understood perfectly that Paul had committed nothing worthy of death—that was one certain thing he could have written. Festus knew that Paul’s offence was neither social nor political, but only ecclesiastical and religious, and that as yet the policy of Rome was not to intermeddle with such disputes—which was a second certain thing he could have reported to Augustus. Besides, Festus knew that the real reason for Paul’s production was to afford Agrippa and Bernice an opportunity of hearing that remarkable man. Hence, in a strict sense, Festus’s explanation was not precisely in accordance with truth.
Learn.—
1. The mystery of Divine providence, which seats an Agrippa upon the throne and consigns a Paul to a prison.
2. The insignificance of earthly pomp when compared with the glory of moral and religious worth, as seen in the external decoration of Agrippa and Bernice, when set alongside of the inner graces of Paul.
3. The truth of Jesus Christ’s predictions that His servants should suffer persecution (Mat_10:18; Mar_13:9; Luk_21:12), and in particular that Paul should bear His name before kings (Act_9:15).
4. The infatuation which sometimes impels communities to hate and even slay their best men. Seen in the conduct of the Jews towards Paul.
5. The involuntary testimony that the world is often compelled to bear as to the moral excellence of Christians—illustrated by Festus’s declaration concerning Paul.
6. The disregard for strict truth which is often found in great no less than in mean men.
7. The unreasonableness of continuing a man in prison against whom it is difficult to find a charge that will bear writing down.
HINTS AND SUGGESTIONS
Act_25:23. A Christian Service in a Strange Place.
I. The cathedral, church, or chapel. The judgment hall in Herod’s palace. This hall had been built by wicked hands, had been often stained with blood, had frequently echoed to the cries of despair and the shouts of bacchanalian revelry, and had more than once reverberated to the sound of Paul. But any place will do to preach the gospel in.
II. The congregation.—
1. Brilliant. Consisting of the civic and military dignitaries of Cæsarea, the aristocracy and fashion of its population.
2. Mixed. Comprising persons of royal birth, and persons of low degree, statesmen and rulers with their servants and subjects.
3. Sinful. All alike needful of the gracious blessings of the gospel. Of different degrees of wickedness, they were one in this, that all needed salvation.
III. The preacher.—
1. A shackled prisoner. Paul, when he stood before that gay throng which crowded Herod’s judgment hall, was chained by his right hand to a Roman soldier.
2. A spiritual freeman. In all that company Paul alone was possessed of true liberty.
“He is the freeman whom the truth makes free
And all are slaves besides” (Cowper).
3. A fearless prophet. Conscious of innocence, and depending on his Lord, Paul was not abashed before so much material splendour and earthly glory.
4. An eloquent orator. Sufficiently proved by the oration he delivered when called upon to speak in his de fence
(26.).
IV. The sermon—The apology he uttered, setting forth:
1. The groundless character of the charges advanced against him. Thus confirming the conclusion at which Festus had already arrived (Act_25:25).
2. The supernatural character of the call which had transformed him into a Christian apostle. Thus explaining that his countrymen, in seeking his death, were practically fighting against God.
3. The necessary character of his mission to the Gentiles. Thus showing that in all he did he was acting under the impulse of a higher will than his own (see chap. 26).
Act_25:24. Behold this Man! (Compare Joh_19:5 : Behold the Man!)
I. An Israelite indeed, and yet hated by his co-religionists.—They had lost the inner kernel of the Old Testament religion, and were trying to live upon the husk; they had abandoned the spirit, and were become slaves of the letter. He, on the other hand, had cast aside the letter, and was living on the spirit of it, had thrown away the husk, and was retaining the kernel.
II. An innocent man, and yet consigned to prison.—In this certainly he was not worse treated than his Master had been, who, though He did no sin, was yet put to death as a common malefactor. Though the law was not made for a righteous man but for the unrighteous (1Ti_1:9), yet its penalties and prisons often fall to the righteous rather than to the wicked.
III. A friendless prisoner, and yet a fearless confessor.—Though Paul had friends in Cæsarea whose visits cheered and relieved his captivity (Act_24:23), it is not certain that they were permitted to stand beside him in Herod’s palace on that memorable day. Nevertheless, it need not be doubted that the Lord stood by him (Mat_10:19; Mat_28:20), and that the presence of this heavenly friend was more to him than ten thousands of human allies and supporters, enabling him to say with the Hebrew Psalmist: “The Lord is my light and my salvation, whom shall I fear? The Lord is the strength of my life, of whom shall I be afraid?” (Psa_27:1)
Act_25:26. No Certain Thing to Write; or, the Uncertainties of Infidelity.
I. Whether there be no God.—The fool may say in his heart that there is no God (Psa_14:1). The transgressor may wish there were no God. The materialist may assert and imagine he has proved there is no God. But neither fool nor philosopher can be sure that their conclusions are right.
II. Whether Jesus of Nazareth was only a man.—That He was a man all—believers and unbelievers—are agreed. That He was only a man has been vehemently and persistently affirmed by rejectors of His divinity. But they can never demonstrate to the satisfaction of others that such a thing as an incarnation is impossible.
III. Whether there be no hereafter.—This also has been blatantly proclaimed by the champions of infidelity; but as no one has ever returned from the grave they cannot positively know that there is no conscious existence beyond.
IV. Whether there be no hell.—By many it is confidently maintained that eternal punishment is only an imagination of mediæval theologians; but until the great hereafter comes with its awakening experiences, it will be impossible with regard to this to cherish more than a hope. N.B.—If Christians were uncertain that the things most surely believed among them were realities, they would be in no worse position than the unbelievers are who reject them; but Christians can say with reference to their faith in God, Christ, Immortality, Heaven, “We have not followed cunningly devised fables” (2Pe_1:16).
Act_25:27. Unreasonable Things, whoever does them.
I. To commit a man to gaol who has done no wrong.
II. To punish a man on account of his religion.
III. To oppress the single and de fenceless in order to please the many and the strong.
IV. To expect to crush a good cause or a good man by means of persecution.
Act_25:23-27. Festus’s Audience Chamber at Cœsarea.
I. A drawing-room of worldly glory; constituted such by the splendour of the assembled nobility (Act_25:23).
II. A lecture room of holy doctrine; constituted such by the testimony of the Apostle (Act_26:1-23).
III. A judgment hall of Divine majesty; constituted such by the impression of the apostolic discourse, which discloses the secrets of all hearts (Act_26:24-32).—Gerok in Lange.
The Preacher's Complete Homiletical Commentary (gen. ed. Joseph S. Exell; Funk & Wagnalls, c. 1892) — public domain (pre-1929). A full-Bible homiletical/sermon-outline anthology covering 65 of 66 books (2 John is absent from the source module). Text from a community e-Sword module.
J. W. McGarvey 1914 · Public Domain On vv21–27 See notes on verse 14
See notes on verse 14
J. W. McGarvey (with Philip Y. Pendleton), Commentaries on the New Testament (The Fourfold Gospel, 1914; Acts; and the epistles) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.
Paul E. Kretzmann 1924 · Public Domain On v22 Paul presented before Agrippa:
Paul presented before Agrippa:
v. 22, Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man myself. tomorrow, said he, thou shalt hear him.
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v. 23. And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp, and was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains and principal men of the city, at Festus’ commandment Paul was brought forth.
v. 24. And Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us, ye see this man about whom all them multitude of the Jews have dealt with me, both at Jerusalem, and also here, crying that he ought not to live any longer.
v. 25. But when I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death, and that he himself hath appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him.
v. 26. Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, O King Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might have somewhat to write.
v. 27. For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him.
Agrippa was naturally interested in Paul, the great teacher of Christianity, just as his relative, some thirty years before, had been desirous of seeing Jesus, Luk 23:8. His family had always held the same relation to Christ and the Gospel. His grandfather had attempted to kill Jesus at Bethlehem in the slaughter of the innocents, his uncle had murdered John the Baptist and mocked Jesus, his father had slain James the apostle and oppressed the Church. Agrippa would probably not have gone one step out of his way to see or hear Paul, but at this unexpected opportunity to, become acquainted with the doctrine of the Nazarenes he was truly pleased. So he expressed his wish that he might hear the man himself, with the understanding that he would then be enabled to render a proper opinion; and he received the promise of Festus that this opportunity would be given him the next day. At the appointed time, therefore, Agrippa and Bernice came with great pomp, with an extraordinary, Oriental show of splendor, very likely attired in all their regal finery and attended by a full retinue of servants, all this in the same city in which their father, upon a similar occasion, had been stricken by God and had been eaten by worms. The distinguished visitors were received and conducted, and thus entered into the hall appointed for this informal hearing, hardly the judgment-hall, since a formal trial was out of the question. The brilliancy of the occasion, which was in the nature of a reception, was enhanced by the presence of chiliarchs and of the most distinguished men of the city, surely the most brilliant audience which Paul, whom Festus now ordered to be brought in, had ever faced. Although Agrippa knew the purpose of the assembly, the governor now made a formal speech, addressed to him and to all men that were present, presenting to them the man who was causing all this excitement among the Jews. They saw before them this man, concerning whom the entire multitude of the Jews had had a conference with him, had made complaint to him, both in Jerusalem and in Caesarea. They had loudly voiced their opinion that he should no longer live. But Festus had come to the conclusion that Paul had done nothing worthy of death, and now the prisoner himself had appealed to Caesar, the Roman emperor, to the name that was given divine honor by the Romans. And so Festus had judged that he would send him. It was a solemn, impressive occasion, and the governor made the most of it by stressing its importance and exaggerating his part in the drama. But the difficulty confronting him, as he further explained, one that placed him in a bad predicament, was this, that he had nothing definite to write to his lord, the emperor, concerning Paul. For this reason he had brought him forth before this illustrious assembly and especially before King Agrippa, in order that he might, after some sort of an examination had been held, have something precise to write. For since the charge of treason had been contradicted by Paul with great emphasis, the question still remaining seemed partly obscure and partly absurd. And all this was done since it seemed unreasonable, senseless, to the governor that any one sending a man bound as a prisoner should not indicate, in the accompanying letter, what reasons he had for this step. The situation surely was awkward. He was about to send Paul to Rome, to appear in the emperor’s court, though he had not one charge against him; and at the same time he must be sent, since he had appealed to Caesar. Agrippa would therefore probably be able to help him, that he might draw up such letters in the case as not to appear a fool in Nero’s eyes. Thus Paul obtained the chance to testify of Christ before this great and magnificent assembly. And thus in many other cases sinners of all classes have the opportunity to hear the Gospel of Jesus Christ, which alone will save their souls. O that every one of them would but hear!
Summary.Paul, arraigned before Festus, finds it necessary to appeal to Caesar, after which his case is laid before the visiting Agrippa.
Paul E. Kretzmann, Popular Commentary of the Bible (1921–1924) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.
unfoldingWord translationNotes 2017 · CC BY-SA 4.0 On vv21, 23, 25 Connecting Statement:
Connecting Statement:
Festus finishes explaining Paul's case to King Agrippa.
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But when Paul appealed to be kept in custody while awaiting the decision of the emperor
This can be stated in active form. AT: "But when Paul insisted that he stay under Roman guard until the time when the emperor could decide his case" (See: Active or Passive)
I ordered him to be held in custody
This can be stated in active form. AT: "I ordered the soldiers to keep him in custody" or "I told the soldiers to guard him" (See: Active or Passive)
"Tomorrow," Festus said, "you will hear him."
The phrase "Festus said" can be moved to the beginning of the sentence. AT: "Festus said, 'I will arrange for you to listen to Paul tomorrow.'" (See: Quotations and Quote Margins)
translationWords
Paul
Caesar
unfoldingWord translationNotes — © Distant Shores Media and the Door43 World Missions Community, licensed CC BY-SA 4.0. Source: git.door43.org/Door43/en_tn.
Tyndale Open Study Notes 2022 · CC BY-SA 4.0 On v23 25:23-27 Paul’s hearing before King Agrippa was accompanied by…
25:23-27 Paul’s hearing before King Agrippa was accompanied by all the pomp and circumstance appropriate for an official royal visit. The main purpose of the hearing was for Agrippa to advise Festus on what he should write in the appeal to Caesar, for there was no clear charge against Paul, and Festus himself believed Paul had done nothing deserving death.
Tyndale Open Study Notes — © Tyndale Open Resources, licensed CC BY-SA 4.0. Text via the HelloAO Bible API.